Many politicians, business leaders, and scholars discount the role of public policy and emphasize the role of the labor market when explaining employers' maternity-leave policies, arguing that prior to the passage of the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) of 1993, employers were already providing maternity leave in response to the increase in the number of women workers. Employers did create maternity-leave programs n the 1970's and 1980's, but not as a purely voluntary response in the absence of any government mandate. In 1972, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) ruled that employers who allowed leaves for disabling medical conditions must also allow them for maternity and that failure to do so would constitute sex discrimination under the Civil Rights Act of 1964. As early as 1973, a survey found that 58 percent of large employers had responded with new maternity-leave policies. Because the 1972 EEOC ruling was contested in court, the ruling won press attention that popularized maternity-leave policies. Yet perhaps because the Supreme Court later struck down the ruling, politicians and scholars have failed to recognize its effects, assuming that employers adopted maternity-leave policies in response to the growing feminization of the workforce.
It can be inferred that the author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements about government policy?
开头说学者轻视政策的影响而认为是女性大量进入工作才产生了产假。作者认同1970-80年代就有产假。说一个EEOC的机构在1972年规定雇主要给修产假否则构成性别歧视。但是，作者认为这个原因是因为EEOC的规定在法庭争辩的很激烈，从而引起了媒体的关注，从而雇主纷纷选择了。然后，作者又推测，因为争辩最后法庭驳斥了EEOC的规定，所以学者就不认同其产生的影响了。所以，他们的分歧就是，作者认为规定对其有影响，而学者认为没有影响。 A 政策不会受到劳工市场影响 无关 B 政策影响因为持续新闻关注而减弱 无关 C 被政府驳斥的政策也有可能持续起作用，正确 D 政府政策可能会起反作用，当政策已经非官方实施，没有提及 E 政策在法庭激烈争论影响就会减弱，不对
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